Eritrean President Isaas Afverki: Three decades, one leader

Once welcomed as part of a new generation of Reformist African leaders, the president of Eritrea, who recently celebrated 32 years in power, has long opposed expectations.

Now Isaas Afverki spends much of his time in his rural residence on a dusty hill about 20 km (12 miles) from the capital, Asmara.

As the cabinet has not met since 2018, all the power has passed through it and as a potential it receives a series of local employees and foreign dignitaries in its retreat.

He is also a magnet for ordinary erytreans, hoping in vain that Isaas can help them with their problems.

The 79-year-old has never been confronted with elections over his three decades in power and there are few signs that he is changing soon.

But things looked very different in the 1990s.

Isaias was 45 when, as a rebel leader, his Eritrean People’s Liberation Front (EPLF) defeated Ethiopia in 1991. Those who fight in the war are remembered every year on the day of the martyrs, June 20.

High and charismatic, he inspired hope at home and abroad.

In 1993, after official independence, Isaiah appeared on the international stage as the head of state for the first time.

It is in Cairo that he attended the meeting at the top of the continental leaders, that he perceives the older generation of African leaders who have been in power for decades. “

He promised that Eritrea would never repeat the same old unsuccessful approach and promised a democratic order that would underpin the social and economic development of his people. His position was won by praise from Eritreans and diplomats.

Riding the euphoria of the early years of independence and enjoying a glowing international reception, Isaas sought a closer relationship with the West.

In 1995, after inviting Eritrean leader to the Oval Cabinet, US President Bill Clinton expressed appreciation for the country’s strong start on the way to democracy.

Eritrea has just begun to draw up a new constitution that is expected to establish the rule of law and the democratic system.

Isaas had to be a “transitional president” until a constitutional government was elected. The new constitution was ratified by a constituent assembly in May 1997.

But just like the Eritreans and the world awaited the 1998 national elections, a war broke out between Eritrea and the neighboring Ethiopia across a contested border.

Isaias was accused of using the war as an excuse to postpone the election indefinitely.

He had promised a multi -party democratic system and his determination had been tested after reaching a peace agreement in 2000.

Several of his cabinet ministers, including former close friends and comrades in weapons, have begun to call for reform.

In an open letter issued in March 2001, a group of senior government officials, who later became known as the G-15, accused the president of abusing his powers and becoming more autocratic. They called for the implementation of the Constitution and the national elections.

Since the mid -1990s, the Eritreans have tasted some freedom, with the emerging newspapers carrying critical voices – including the ruling party, which were renamed the People’s Front for Democracy and Justice (PFDJ).

The transitional National Assembly had decided when the elections would be held, an election committee was formed and proposed laws were proposed for political parties.

The country seemed to be on a slow road to democratization.

However, this fragile opening closed sharply in September 2001, while the world’s attention was focused on the September 11 attacks in the United States.

In one morning, authorities closed all independent newspapers, effectively silenced the critical voices. Many editors and journalists were detained and never seen again.

At the same time, the government has arrested 11 of the G-15, including three former foreign ministers, the head of the Armed Forces Staff and several members of the National Assembly. They haven’t been seen or heard sinceS

The hopes of many Eritreans were released.

But Isaas had already moved away from the introduction of democratic changes.

“I have never intended to participate in political parties,” he said in April 2001.

“Now I do not intend to participate in a political party and I will not intend to participate in a political party in the future.”

He also described the democratic process as a “mess”, saying that PFDJ is not a “party. It’s a nation.”

It has become clear to many that the president will not allow democratic reforms to settle.

The jamming of critics and the inability to hold elections was won by him and the status of his country.

However, his supporters say that he was unfairly directed by the Western nations and praised him as a symbol of national liberation.

In 2002, he unofficially dissolved the transitional installation, which had to keep it responsible and in fact did the same with the cabinet in 2018.

Some aging ministers without real power are now led by weak government agencies, and several ministries – including defense, are left without ministers.

Many wonder why the hero of independence took on such a repressive turn.

Abdela Adem, a former regional governor and senior ambassador, says that Isaas never believed in democracy and has always been obsessed with power. He led the EPLF with an iron fist even before independence, according to G -N -Abdela, who now lives in exile in London.

“He systematically weakens and eliminates the leaders with public legitimacy and the fight against powers that could challenge his authority.”

To surprise, in May 2014, Isaas announced plans for a new constitution, later stated that the Constitution ratified in 1997 was “dead”. But no progress has been made since then.

The proposal to write a new constitution can be triggered by an attempt to coup by senior military officers in 2013.

They put tanks in the capital and seized control of national television and radio stations for several hours.

Realizing that experience failed, they tried to broadcast a call for the 1997 Constitution and the release of political prisoners. But security forces pulled the plug in the middle of the number.

Many employees – including the Minister of Mini, Governor, Diplomats and General – have been detained. The leader of the coup committed suicide to avoid arrest.

Zaraslasie Shike, a former diplomat, left his post in Nigeria and sought asylum in the UK. His boss, Ambassador Ali Omeru, a veteran of the War of Independence, was later detained and remained inseparable for.

The governments that lock people, “like Isaas Afverki, do not allow real political and social institutions or the rule of law,” says G -n Zheslasie, now a candidate for a doctor in the UK in Leeds.

“The vague suspension of the Eritrea Constitution and the collapse of state institutions in the president’s service must be understood in this context.”

I isolated internationally, Isaas withdrew from the global stage. He stopped attending summit meetings as the UN General Assembly and African Union meetings.

The country’s economy was “fighting”, according to the World Bank’s estimate last year.

“Economic activity is limited by undeveloped infrastructure, limited competition due to state dominance and strict import control,” the authors said, adding that the financial sector remains “weak”.

Isaiss himself acknowledged problems in an interview with state television last December.

“The maintenance economy will not bring us anywhere. At the moment we are not in a better position than many other African countries in this regard,” he said.

Isaiss also refuses humanitarian aid, citing fears of addiction that would undermine his principle of “independence”.

For many Eritreans, especially young people trapped in an unspecified national service, which authorities justify because of a series of conflicts and tense relations with their neighbors, Daily life is a nightmare. Under repressive regime, they face a future with little hope or freedom.

Disappointed with the lack of political progress and exhausted by forced contribution and state violence, many risk their lives to escape in freedom.

In the last two decades, hundreds of thousands have fled, crossing deserts and seas to find a safe haven. Currently, the Eritreans are the third most common nationality to receive refugee status in the UK.

In his speech of Independence Day, last month, Isaiah did not give a hint of any of the changes that many Eritreans hope to see. There was no mention of the constitution, national elections or the release of political prisoners.

At the same time, there was no specific plan to turn the country’s economy to the country.

Despite criticism at home, President Isaas maintains support among parts of the population, especially within the military, ruling party networks and those who view it as a symbol of national independence and resistance to foreign intervention.

The president also has strong support among some of the diaspora who believe that the Western powers conspiracy to undermine Eritrea’s hard -to -win independence.

With the increase in dissatisfaction in Eritrea, Isaias withdrew from Asmara in 2014 at his home, looking at the Adi Halo Dam, whose construction is closely controlled.

As Isaiss is approaching 80, many are afraid of what can happen afterwards.

The obvious attempt to raise his largest son to inherit him was blocked at a 2018 cabinet meeting, since when no additional meetings were held.

But there is no obvious plan for inheritance or credible opposition in the country that could replace this regime, leaving many difficult for them to imagine a future without Isaas.

“The president’s service is what the country holds from collapse,” warns Zraslasie.

During this year’s Easter holiday, Isais was seen kissing a cross during a church liturgy in Asmara. Some believe that he is seeking spiritual redemption, others hope that he can release political prisoners.

For now, however, Isaas remains firmly controlled, while the Erytreans continue their long and anxious to wait for a change.