To tar all European ‘New Right’ parties with the same brush is misleading.

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There are at least three different political currents within European parties, labeled “hard” or “far”. The more mature these groups become – some operating as conservatives and appealing to a lower-middle-class audience, and some extremists with overtly authoritarian tendencies – the less they resemble each other. For now, they are, surprisingly, grouped together under these terms in media and political debates. But because of the sharp differences between them, they are better called “New Right”.

In the EU, they still have objections to increasing its powers and reducing theirs. They have not committed to leaving the Union, but insist that their government will remain fully sovereign.

They are strongly opposed to mass immigration, a policy that remains largely unattractive to the masses. Most European states have adopted tougher laws, some – such as Sweden and Finland – have been shaped by new right parties and governed by coalitions or parliamentary support for the centre-right.

However, these common positions differ in practice. New right politician Giorgia Meloni, who will serve as Italy’s prime minister from 2022, has at times worked closely with European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen. Meloni also supports Ukraine’s war of self-defense against Russia and places herself firmly in the pro-NATO camp – as do the Sweden Democrats.

Marine Le Pen, a leading figure in France’s National Assembly, was once pro-Russia and her party received loans from a Russian-controlled bank (now repaid). However, in a speech to the French parliament in March, President Vladimir Putin said: “There is no doubt that war and geopolitical crisis on the EU’s doorstep is the most dramatic of the last 20 years.” . . “It is the heroic resistance of the Ukrainian people that will lead to Russia’s defeat,” he said. This seems like a sharp policy direction. The RN is now France’s most popular party, and Le Pen, its likely candidate in the 2027 presidential election (despite a legal case barring her from running), is currently tipped to win.

Russia is a key player in the new right-wing resurgence. Many of these parties are closer to Russia than to the US-led West, starting with Viktor Orbán’s Hungary. They are based in former communist central Europe – but the most important alternative among them is for Germany, the main one being the German New-Right party. Similar Russophile sympathies are evident in the small Sahra Wagenknecht Alliance, whose leader combines grounding economics with a commitment to reducing current and future immigration. She argues that the German working class is losing out on competition for housing, medicine and social services.

From this still dynamic scene, the main wave includes the new-right parties of Italy, France and Sweden, which claim to be fully democratic and part of the Western camp; And a larger, yet less successful group, many in central Europe, are at least rhetorically more militantly anti-European, more anti-immigrant and deeply connected to the values ​​of Christianity, family and tradition.

Among these are a number of parties that cross both streams, and include Hungary’s Fidesz, Spain’s Vox, Portugal’s Chega and, above all, the AfD. “Everything for Germany!” He wanted to play with Nazi themes by shouting, Nazi storm trooper slogans were banned in Germany (for which he was twice fined. The co-leaders Tino Krupala and Alice Weidel are considered relatively moderate in comparison and want to unify the party. Krupala often urges members to unite and “stop thinking in camps”. ” he pleaded – even though he was popular in the pro-Russian camp.

“Far” or “strong” right can be reasonably used for hockey and the many thousands who follow it. Policies developed by some other parties will also qualify. It is irrelevant to those who claim to be democratically loyal and live as such: the label prevents an understanding of the source and reasons for their anti-establishment stances. Of course, while in power, they may have been engaged in a long game of anti-moderation while preparing for a dictatorship. The influence and political standing of Donald Trump, who counts all these parties as allies, will be crucial in this – as will his ability to lead. But still anti-totalitarian.