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The cleaners rubbed the debate chamber before the deputies arrive for the session on Wednesday at the National Assembly of Serbia.
Smoke bombs, egg yolk and white fire powder were removed from the benches and tables after the chaos of the previous day.
Police were also at the scene.
They were gathering evidence of potential criminal accusations against MPs who had immersed parliament in pink and black smoke while deploying banners accusing the government of corruption.
Serbian President Alexandar Vucic has labeled the scenes “Hooliganism”. He said he “sought responsibility, criminal law” to apply.
Three female deputies were injured. One of them was hit on the back of the head from an object, although it was not clear who had thrown it and another obviously received a blow.
EU said a Parliament should be a place for a democratic debate And he was very concerned.
The opposition party deputies were not indisputable.
Green-Leave Lider Radomir Lazovic had released a fire extinguisher from his place in the camera.
He described the intervention as a “response to violence against Serbian citizens for 13 years”.
This covers the period in which the Serbian Progressive Party (SNS) was in power.
Under the leadership of Vucic – who had previously been Deputy Prime Minister and Prime Minister – the party was a machine for winning elections.
SNS came out victoriously from no less than five parliamentary elections, as it first formed a ruling coalition in 2012.
His opponents claim that it has more to do with the dominance of the Media Party and the state institutions of Serbia than its policies.
But Vucic has successfully designed an image of a strong, effective guide that appeals to a large part of Serbia’s electorate – especially outside the main urban areas.
Over the years, it has withstood many protest movements. They all got out without throwing away the president or his party.
But the current series of rallies, demonstrations and blockades is an unusually complicated challenge.
The outbreak of outrage began with the disaster in November at Novi Sad Railway Station – when the concrete canopy collapsed at the recently repaired facility, killing 15 people.
The station was part of the government project for government infrastructure – the high -speed railway line connecting the capital, Belgrade, with Budapest in Hungary. The fatal failure of such a high -profile object caused grief and anger – and set suspicion that official corruption was behind the collapse.
Students are calling for transparency and accountability, having daily 15-minute vigils for the dead. But workers ranging from lawyers to farmers also organize strikes and block roads.
“Everyone has a reason to be unhappy,” says analyst and journalist Boyan Evk. “Terrible salaries, poor working conditions – everyone had something to add to the great discontent that is in the population.
“But students were the main cohesive factor.”
What students were not is political. They held opposition parties and NGOs far from their increasingly complex events, which saw them take over the city centers of Novi Sad and us in recent weeks.
G -n Elec describes this as a “good move” – but notes that “at one point the policy will have to go into play.”
What this may look like is not yet clear. Opposition parties are atomized – as no party can challenge SNS and the absence of a credible coalition.
At least they were united in their calls to establish a technical government after the resignation of Prime Minister Milos Vuchevich in late January.
This may, suggest, establish an election environment that will reduce the dominance of SNS by the media and state bodies.
Vucic rejected this idea as an attempt to opposition to overthrow a legally elected government. He may appoint a replacement Prime Minister or call on new elections, although previous polls were recently held in December 2023.
In the meantime, the protests continue. Students promise their biggest event so far in Belgrade on March 15th.
