The order over the language becomes violence in the most rich country in India

For weeks, the battle for language and identity has been raging in the largest country in India, Maharashtra.

The order began in April after the Maharash government made it obligatory to teach Hindi as a third language except English and Marathi (the dominant language of the state). According to him, this is in line with federal policy, which requires children to be taught in three languages at school.

The National Education Policy (NEP), introduced in 1968, aims to promote and regulate education in India and the government has updated it from time to time. The last iteration of the policy introduced by the government of Prime Minister Narendra Modi five years ago is applied in stages and has fall into a dispute earlier.

The decision of the Maharash government greeted the fierce opposition of civil society groups, linguistic activists and opposition leaders who accused him of trying to impose Hindi – mostly to speak in northern and central Indian countries – in the state.

Language is a sensitive issue in India, where many states, including Maharashtra, are formed by language lines after independence. The local language is often inherently related to regional pride and identity, and any change in the status quo can be perceived as a threat. For example, last year Canada’s Language Activists in Bengaluru, often called the Indian Silicone Valley, held protests demanding this Billboards to be written in the local language And not just English.

But anxiety is especially high in Hindi, the most spoken language in India. Over the years, the steps of various federal governments to encourage Hindi have nourished fears within non-Hindi speakers, states that local culture will be diluted. These concerns are exacerbated by high migration from the less developed Hindi-spoken countries in other parts of India, especially in the south, in job search.

Abhai Deshpananda, a political analyst, says these anxieties have increased after the Hindu Nationalist Party Bharatiy Gianna (BJP) came to power in 2014, the best leaders of the BJP -the party is stronger in the Hindi -speaking countries -often arranged disputes as they make disputes.

With the increase in tensions in Maharashtra, the government of the State-managed by a coalition, led by BJP, reminded its decision and appointed a committee to review the trilingual policy. But the dispute refuses to die.

The order comes months before long-term municipal surveys to be conducted in the state, including in the city of Mumbai, home to the richest municipal corporation in India. He sparked a political Slugfest between the ruling coalition and the opposition parties, with each country blaming the other for political games.

There are also reports of violence against no speakers in the country.

In April two women in the Taine district They were allegedly attacked In their residential complex, after they said “sorry” to a person who insisted on talking to him in Maratti.

The same month is claimed that the Mumbai guard was beaten by opposition workers Maharashta Nainermanri Seine (MNS), a Natural Party known for his aggressive brand of politics – after saying he did not know Maratti.

In May couple in Mumbai He was reported to have refused to pay Delivery agent after he refused to speak in Maratti. Last week, a shocking video showing that the owner of the store was attacked, allegedly by MNS workers, that they did not speak Marathi, became viral on social media, provoking outrage.

Although the problem seems to have increased public divisions, he also gathered two political rivals almost two decades after they split.

Last week, Uddhav Takerai, Chief of the Local Opposition Party Shiv Seine (UBT) and Raj Takerai, the leader of the MN – the son and a nephew.

While the power of the truce remains to be seen, experts say that the cousin optics set aside differences to “protect Marat’s pride,” can help their prospects in the upcoming municipal elections.

“The issue of Marathi’s language and culture is close to the hearts of people,” says Prachant Dixit, a former political journalist who has reported to the state for more than two decades. “This is an emotional question, especially for people living in Mumbai, and this is the case since the 1960s,” he adds.

In the 1960s and 1970s, the previous Shiv Senna, under the leadership of Ball Takerai, was conducting aggressive campaigns against people who migrated to Mumbai from the southern states, accusing them of a job that had to go to the locals.

Over the decades, the migration models have changed and the party has directed its fury to people from the northern states who migrated in the city in search of economic opportunities. The party accuses migrants of countries such as Uttar Pradesh and Bihar to take a job.

These voltages seem tuned to continue. According to data from the latest census of India, there was a 40% increase in the Hindi population of Mumbai City between 2001 and 2011.

These agitations, Maratti-oriented, have previously resonate with voters, especially in Mumbai, and some believe that this can help the cousins of Takerai and the municipal elections.

However, many criticize this approach.

An editorial office in the Indian Express, entitled “Slap in Mumbai’s Face,” claims that the policy focused on the linguistic identity is “deeply anxious” and that its steam hydroemism has succumbed to violence, something that “should not have a place in the most industrialized state of India.”

Dixit agrees – he believes that any support collected from aggressive language agitations is likely to be short -lived.

“People want their leaders to make their promises and focus on real progress, in the form of better jobs and policies, so that life is better for everyone,” he says.