The root Australian community is fighting to protect the sacred coal springs

A small ceremonial fire burns more than 1300 days on a dusty stretch of Wangan and Jagallang in Central Queensland, the second largest state in Australia.

The flame marks a protest, which has been going on for more than four years. It is at the heart of the long-standing opposition between part of the local local community of the indigenous population and the Carmichael coal mine, one of the most controversial yield projects in the country.

The mine owned by the Indian energy giant Adani, who works locally like Braus, sits right beyond the road. It is located on the traditional land of people Vaangan and Jagalling (W&J).

Adrian Buraguba and his son, Kody McAvoy, launched a long campaign against Brace, seeing him, a spiritual position, as well as fighting for cultural survival.

“Where my land is, there is a mine that is trying to destroy my country,” says Adrian. “This country is the roadmap for my story and knowledge of who I am and my ancestors.”

At the heart of their resistance is Doongmabulla Springs, a sacred place that they believe was created by Rainbow Serpent Mundagudda – a powerful ancestors being in many ancient aboriginal stories, often related to water, creation and earth.

Doongmabulla springs are connected to a larger underground water system, which helps to keep dry land alive. He sits over the Galilee pool, one of the largest coal reserves in the world, a 247,000 square kilometer region containing more than 30 billion tonnes of coal.

Some scientists who include Prof. Matthew Currell, one of the leading hydrogeologists in Australia, from the University of Griffith in Melbourne – say the site is environmentally significant and potentially vulnerable.

“We have started to notice a few things, occasionally, we actually see hydrocarbons are found in the spring waters themselves,” says the academician, who has been studying the area for several years.

“If the hydrocarbons have begun to appear only after extraction, then we should explain why. If it is related to mining, then it is a red flag that the quality of spring water is immediately threatened,” he says.

“We see signs that the impact of the mine is greater than the forecast when it was approved. I think this should cause a complete reassessment of this approval.”

The increasing part of the evidence suggests that mining activity may have a more impact on groundwater than initially forecast.

Prof. Currell’s findings co-authored with Dr. Angus Campbell and reviewed in 2024, expressed concerns about the modeling of the Adani/Bravus groundwater.

The company rejected the findings and accused some of the authors of the article for being anti-collector campaigns they deny.

Australia’s National Scientific Agency, Csiro, also reviewed the adanni analysis of the Karmihael Mine impact on groundwater in the area in 2023. This review, which is part of the evidence in current court, concluded that the adanni models were not “appropriate for the purpose”.

In 2023, after reviewing the data on the monitoring of the Adani/Bravus groundwater, the government banned their planned underground yield due to the uncertainty about the impact it would have on the springs.

Adani disputes this ban in court. The company insists that it has complied with environmental and legal standards.

“There have been no violations of our groundwater conditions and the Doongmabulla Springs complex is not at risk of any of the yield we are doing now or is authorized to do in the future,” the BBC said in a statement.

Queensland’s Minister of Environment, Andrew Powell, told the BBC: “We are committed to protecting the cultural and environmental values of the sources by taking appropriate action to implement.”

The government’s decision to approve Carmichael Mine has polarized Australia for nearly a decade.

Adrian Buraguba and his family claim that the mine threatens their holy water source and that their rights, culture and connection with the “country”, since the root Australians call their homeland the ancestors are ignored.

The UN Declaration of Rights of the Native Population, adopted in 2007, requires “states to receive free, prior and informed consent before undertaking projects affecting land rights, including yield.” Although not legally binding, the declaration serves as a framework for harmonizing relations between countries and the indigenous population.

The dispute around the mine has long been a flash in the climate debate, attracting both protests throughout the country and the strong support from local mining communities. The Queensland government approved the project, citing its potential to generate jobs and increase exports.

Australia is already one of the world’s best coal producers. The Carmichael mine exports to the Asia-Pacific region, where the demand for coal is expected to remain high, even when economies aim to use more renewable energy.

Bravus says he has invested more than $ 486 million in the city, where many mine workers reside. But the accusations of poor working conditions have emerged.

The journalist Kim Nguyen, who spent years, covering stories about Carmichael’s mine, spoke with workers who say they were exposed to dangerous levels of dust, made to work in a non -standard infrastructure and face a culture of fear when raising fears.

The Queensland’s mining safety regulator has confirmed that there are 875 pages of serious accident reports from 2019 to 2024, but said the percentage of the mine incident is “wide in accordance with the average values of the industry.”

Bravus replied: “We have a record with zero fatal (…) We maintain high standards, obey all legislation, encourage people to arouse concerned anonymously or personally, and they are resolved when they occur.”

After the government of the state announced that this would approve the mine without the consent of the indigenous population, seven of the twelve family groups W&J signed a land agreement with Adani in exchange for a Community Fund.

“It’s a split families,” says W&J Woman Jackie Broderick. “I feel awful of the destruction of the earth, but if we did not agree (about the project for the mine), they would just move on anyway. We came out of what we could,” she says.

Others believe the deal came at too high costs. “The miner is a god in this country. A mine has divided a whole nation,” Cody says.

In a statement, Bravus said: “Adrian Buraguba and his allies in the movement against fossil fuels have been trying for many years to discredit our company and to stop our Carmichael mine, which works safely and responsibly in accordance with the Queensland law and Australian law.”

In 1915, the Aboriginal Protection Act in Queensland allowed the forced removal of Aboriginal people from their land. Many W&J people were sent more than 1000 km. The families were separated and the practice of Aboriginal culture was banned.

In 1993, the Law on the Native Title gave the Aboriginal people limited rights of land if they could prove a continuous connection with it, including the right to negotiate for mining projects.

The W&J people filed a claim for their native title in 2004. With that, they had the right to negotiate with Adani, who offered benefits in exchange for the signing of an agreement. However, in 2012 and again in 2014, an agreement cannot be reached, so Adani sought approval through the tribunal of the native title without the consent of the indigenous population.

In 2021, after 17 years, a judge rejected the request of W&J Native Title, eliminating its right to consult or compensation for future mines under the law. This was because they failed to establish sufficient connection to the land.

“In the end, a judge decided that the native title did not exist in the claim area and is now the subject of a request to the Supreme Court of Australia for special appeal leave,” says Tim Wishar, Head of the Queensland South’s native title service.

“I don’t think it’s a particularly honest system, but that’s all we have right now,” he adds.

Adrian is now pursuing a judicial review in the Supreme Court of Queensland, arguing that the mine violates the human rights of his community by threatening a sacred place.

Their argument is based on Section 28 of the Human Rights Act, which protects the right of the indigenous population to practice their culture and maintain their connection with land and water.

This is a case that could set a precedent, says Alison Rose, Adrian and Coedie’s lawyer.

“This will be a truly important test case that will be followed by other first nations (root) people who want to protect the culture and the country,” she says.

This is Adrian’s fourth case against the government using the law. Previously, he went bankrupt after fighting a lawsuit and was hit with $ 680,000 in costs.

But despite the bankruptcy, the losses of the court and the internal gaps of the community, Adrian, his son Kodey and their family remain indefinite.

“We come from the water,” Adrian says. “Without water we are all dead. Without land we have nothing.”

The Queensland government has asked the court the case of Adrian’s Human Rights. The sentence is not yet provided.

Text adapted by Celine Girit and edited by Alexandra Fushe