Trump’s Epstein Strategy Strands Him Against Loyalty

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Watch: Trump calls “Stupid Republicans” in Jeffrey Epstein’s files

As Donald Trump continues to be subjected to questions about the processing of the administration of possible files related to the deceased sexual criminal Jeffrey Epstein, he relies on a tried and true strategy.

The problem for the president, however, is that his plan for attack can inadvertently arrange him against some of his most loyal supporters.

In a long social post of truth on Wednesday morning, Trump began in a familiar way – accusing Epstein’s dispute over “radical left -wing democrats.” This episode, he said, is only the most in a long line of “fraud” made by his political opponents to overthrow him.

“These fraud and fraud are all Democrats are good,” he writes. “They are not good at management, there is no use in politics and there is no use in the choice of profitable candidates.”

In the past, Trump used this type of US rhetoric against the topic to unite its supporters on its side-as a champion of the outsider and undervalued, who is confronted with the privileged and wealthy ones.

The potential disadvantage in the president’s strategy this time became obvious in the middle of his post, but he turned to blame his own party and his own supporters for falling for what he said was a left -wing scheme.

“My past supporters have joined this” stupidity “, hook, line and sinking,” he writes. “They have not learned their lesson and they will probably never do it.”

Watch: Trump says Pam Bondi should release “reliable” files on epstein

During the remarks later, Trump continued to blame his own country, saying that “some stupid Republicans, some stupid Republicans, have been on the net.”

The president draws battle lines on the issue of Epstein, who divides his own country. He also risks crossing the foundations on which his political power was built.

Trump’s success is fed by two central messages to his supporters – that he is an outsider who fights against a corrupt establishment and that he says it as he is. At a time when many voters say that they have been tired of polished politicians with shifts.

Trump, never a person to deviate from the wild conspiracy theories or those who hug them, now it turns out that there is no “credible” evidence, suggesting the rich and powerful in the case of Epstein and that those who believe otherwise are suction or fools.

His shifting comments-that the Epstein files must be released, that there are no files, that all possible files are fraud-so they make it look less like a straight shooter and rather as a person with something to hide.

He is left with the problem to try to be negative. And for the moment, some of his supporters do not buy it.

In an interview with Politico, the conservative fiery birch, Laura Lomer, warned that if Trump did not change the course, Epstein’s history could “consume” his Presidency. Her advice to appoint an independent investigator to deal with the case is one that Trump would be disgusting, considering how he had faced past special lawyers.

But the success of his strategy for accusing political opponents can only work if the Democrats take the bait.

Dan Pfafier, who works as a senior adviser to President Barack Obama, recently wrote that they could avoid this trap by amplifying the divisions in the ranks of Trump Make America Again.

“If the issue becomes too related to the democratic efforts to hurt Trump, he will polarize the party’s issue and push the disgruntled Magic voters back to Trump’s camp,” he wrote in his latest newsletter.

For the time being, the government is calling to share more information about Epstein is a rare source of consensus among the US public. A survey of Yougov said 79% of Americans want the government to release “all the documents it has.” This includes 75% of Republican respondents and 85% of Democrats.

An internal democratic poll obtained from Politico found that 58% of respondents believe Trump “may have been or was definitely involved in concealment.

If the urns are categorically tilted against Trump, the states of the Republican offices – men and women who owe their professional livelihood to remain in the good graces of the president – will most continue to stick to him.

Republicans in Congress support the president’s legislative program, despite its narrow majority in key votes this week. And while some call for more transparency, conservatives at the House of Representatives repeatedly tingle democratic attempts to award the release of all other Epstein files.

The spokesman for the house Mike Johnson, who led these efforts, made more comments, calling for more Epstein’s files to be disclosed, saying that he was quoted and that he only wanted the public to see “reliable” information – the same language that Trump used.

For the time being, Epstein’s history is a disappointing distraction for a president used to bend the news cycle and the national attention to his will. With the Republicans who control Washington, the dispute will only consume his presidency if Trump’s own allies allow him.

However, if the murmuring and dissatisfaction with Trump’s loyal ones continue, it could purify the high influence on the Republican Party during the intermediate congress election next year, when voter enthusiasm usually determines which party prevails.

And if the Democrats are fighting control over one or the two chambers of Congress – and they acquire their accompanying investigators – Epstein’s files and Trump’s connection with them can pass from a political side show to a spectacle of the central ring.

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